What Mexican Women Want

Steven W. Mosher

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January 5 2006

Volume 8 / Number 1

What Mexican Women Want

Dear Colleague:

Instead of asking Western-funded feminist activists what women in the

Third World want by way of health care, as the media generally do, we

asked real Third World women. “Reproductive health care” came in dead

last. This is my analysis.

Steven W. Mosher

President

The Mexican government, as we have previously reported, is aggressively

seeking to drive down the nation’s birthrate to below replacement. Young

mothers who come to government-run clinics and hospitals to deliver their

babies are pressured to accept either sterilization or an IUD. This

abusive program was formulated by Mexico’s National Population Council

(CONAPO) in consultation with the U.N. Population Fund (UNFPA), which

continues to fund it today.[1]

This program, rather disingenuously referred to as “reproductive health

care,” is arguably the Ministry of Health’s top priority. It is more

generously funded and vigorously pursued than other forms of health care,

such as those addressing HIV/AIDS or sexually transmitted diseases.

The question we asked ourselves was this: How do the health priorities of

ordinary Mexican women compare with those of the government? Do women

support the government’s anti-natal agenda, or do they see other health

needs as more pressing?

To answer this question we carried out a survey of the health needs of

women-as they themselves perceived these-in the Mexican city of

Guadalajara. Who wants reproductive health care? Not the women of

Mexico, it turns out.

Guadalajara, located in the western part of the central highlands, is

Mexico’s second city. It is home to some 4 million people. It is a

transportation and marketing hub. Several major highways, carrying

national and international heavy transport, as well as almost everything

else, traverse the city. The residents are small shopowners and

tradesmen, mechanics and other service providers. Television and

telephones, both conventional and cellular, are widely available. Most of

the inhabitants have received some education, and literacy rates are high.

Like Mexicans in general, the residents of Guadalajara are religious,

with about 90% identifying themselves as Catholics, and the rest adhering

to various Protestant sects.

A total of 370 women were interviewed by one of ten trained interviewers

in different districts of the city. The interviewers went door-to-door in

their respective districts.[2] Those interviewed were shown a list of 15

different public health programs, and asked to order the list in terms of

their own personal needs, putting their most pressing need first and their

least important need last. The health programs listed were Reproductive

Health,[3] vaccinations, HIV/AIDS, Family and Child Abuse, Natural Family

Planning, Sexually Transmitted Diseases, Lifestyle, Maternal and Neonatal,

Potable Drinking Water and Sewage, Psychological, Cholera, Diarrhea,

Tuberculosis, Malaria, and Leprosy. Other information collected included

age, religion, marital status, and prior history of contraception,

sterilization, and abortion.

The date on health needs reported by respondents was entered into a

database and the mean rank order was calculated for each category of

health care. The lower the rank order for a particular kind of health

care, the greater the need for such health care expressed by the

respondents. The results are shown in Table 1.

HEALTH NEED FOLLOWED BY MEAN RANK ORDER

Vaccinations: 5.13

HIV/AIDS: 5.32

Family & Child Abuse: 5.32

Natural Family Planning (NFP): 5.82

Sexually Transmitted Diseases (STDs): 6.24

Lifestyle: 6.26

Maternal & Neonatal: 7.30

Potable Drinking Water & Sewage: 7.98

Psychological: 8.88

Cholera: 9.18

Diarrhea: 9.44

Tuberculosis: 9.83

Malaria: 10.28

Leprosy: 10.67

Reproductive Health: 12.02

Table 1: Desirability of Health Programs in Mexico: Note that the higher

the mean rank order, the more desired the programs are in the view of the

respondents.

What do these modern Mexicans have to say about their health care needs?

They list their most pressing concerns as Vaccinations, HIV/AIDS

Prevention, Child and Family Abuse, and NFP. Now Vaccinations are needed

to prevent such diseases as Tuberculosis, Measles, and polio, while

HIV/AIDS needs no explanation. Because of Mexico’s machismo culture,

family and child abuse remains a difficult problem. The only mild surprise

in this cluster of top-ranked health needs is the presence of Natural

Family Planning, or NFP, which was welcomed by many respondents as a safe

and natural means of regulating their fertility, a point to which I will

return in a moment.

Second-order health needs listed by the women interviewees include

sexually transmitted diseases, or STDs; lifestyle diseases, primarily

alcohol- and drug-related problems; maternal and neonatal health care;

and potable drinking water and sewage treatment programs. The problems of

STDs, alcohol addiction and drug addiction are another aspect of Mexico’s

culture. The relatively high ranking of maternal and neonatal health care

can be read as a cry for help on the part of mothers whose “reproductive

health care” consists of a tubal ligation or IUD insertion following

delivery. Mexicans are also aware that polluted drinking water, not to

mention the lack of proper sewage treatment facilities, is a vector for

the transmission of dysentery and other diseases, and so would like to see

the water supply made safe. All in all, the Mexican health problems given

priority by the women are commonly recognized as such by outside

observers, confirming the good judgment of those we surveyed.

The health problems that follow–Psychological problems, Cholera,

Tuberculosis, Malaria, and Leprosy–although not affecting the large

percentage of the population that, say, Family and Child Abuse can, are

nonetheless endemic to Mexico. Here again, the views of those we spoke

with accord well with Mexico’s epidemiological realities.

The single most striking result of the survey was the dismal showing of

Reproductive Health. This category of health care, defined as the

limitation of childbearing by means of contraception and sterilization,

came in dead last. The Mexican women we surveyed would prefer almost any

kind of health care to the kind of “either-IUD-or-Ligation” programs that

they have been force-fed the past few decades.

Many proponents of family planning will view these results as

contradictory. They will ask how the Mexicans can praise Natural Family

Planning on the one hand, while condemning reproductive health care on the

other. They will maintain that the two family planning methods are merely

different means to the same (i.e., anti-natal) end? They will be wrong.

As it turns out, the people of Mexico have a far better understanding of

the differences between Natural Family Planning and reproductive health

care than the controllers. And they vastly prefer a method over which

they have intimate control-NFP– to the permanent, or semi-permanent

methods imposed by the National Population Council and the U.N. Population

Fund.

Those we talked to were not using NFP as shorthand for “family planning.”

And those who expressed, in the “comments” section, a desire for more

education in NFP were not thereby expressing a preference for fewer

children. Indeed, in the Mexican context it is just as likely that they

would use this additional education in NFP to conceive a child as it is

that they would use it to delay conception. Their interest in NFP centered

on the fact that they themselves, and not some distant, even foreign,

government agency, would determine the number and spacing of their

children.

Bear in mind that those with whom we spoke were not backward, tribal

people, but highly Westernized and educated residents of one of Mexico’s

most modernized cities. Note also that their prioritization of their

health care needs was highly rational, that is to say, that it accords

well with the real diseases and health problems that they and their

families must contend with on a daily basis. Why should their views on

their own health care needs, including their rejection of so-called

reproductive health care, not be taken seriously in planning health care

programs?[4]

Meeting the real health needs of women in the developing world, as they

themselves define those needs, would mean funding primary health care.

Instead the controllers ignore the views of women, view their fertility as

a threat, and act to neutralize that perceived threat by disabling their

reproductive systems. To paraphrase pro-life feminist Angela Franks, if

women’s fertility is causing social, economic, environmental, or health

problems, as the controllers believe, and if women refuse to acknowledge

this reality, it is for the greater good that they be persuaded, or

compelled, or forced to stop having children. Kingsley Davis and other

population alarmists have long said that it is necessary, in the interest

of reducing population growth, to make it less pleasant for women to do

what so many of them enjoy doing, namely, raising children.[5]

Still, population control organizations find it highly inconvenient that

their programs are not greeted with joy by their “targets,” and they go to

great lengths to disguise or explain away this fact. Overseas, they work

overtime to create the impression of robust popular and government support

for their anti-natal programs, recruiting local surrogates, suborning

government ministries of health and education, launching media blitzes,

and sponsoring contraceptive giveaways. This façade falls away in

discussions with donors, in which they arrogantly suggest that the women’s

reluctance to contracept comes about because they either don’t know their

own minds, or because they simply don’t know what’s good for them (or

their country, or the environment, etc.).

The Mexican women we spoke with knew their own minds, and their views

should be respected, both by their government and by the U.N. Population

Fund.

[1] UNFPA will continue to fund this program with $12 million through

2006. See

(http://www.unfpa.org/regions/lac/countries/mexico/4mex0206.pdf).

[2] Randomness was approximated by four factors: 1. the interviewees were

sought out at random in their homes. No attempt was made to seek out

interviewees on the basis of ethnic group, religious affiliation, or other

characteristics. 2. The interviews were conducted at the rate of 20 or

30 per week over a six-month period. 3. The only age restriction imposed

on the respondents was that they must be over 18. 4. The influence of

language factors on the selection of respondents was minimized by the fact

that each interviewer was fluent and literate in Spanish.

[3] “Reproductive health,” was explained to respondents as the provision

of contraceptives or sterilization, while “Natural Family Planning,” or

NFP, was described as a natural, i.e., non-surgical and non-chemical,

means of conceiving or delaying children.

[4] Similar results were obtained from a survey of Ghanaian women. See

“What Do African Women Want,” PRI Review (July-August 2001) 11 (3):1-5.

[5] Kingsley Davis, “Population Policy and the Theory of Reproductive

Motivation,” Economic Development and Cultural Change, Vol. 25,

Supplement, 1977, 174-78.

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